History from Within by author Azzam Tamimi


Often when people think of the word “Hamas,” it becomes intrinsically linked with Islamic and Muslim peoples. This is highly unfair. Hamas is actually a very limited population of Palestinian and Islamic extremists. In the book Hamas: a History from Within, author Azzam Tamimi (2007) brings the reader into the world of the Hamas and explains to the rest of the world how things really were. One of the focuses of the text is the ways in which the nation state of Israel has erred in its dealings with the Hamas. Had the Israelis made better decisions, he seems to argue, a lot of the animosity between the Israeli government and the rest of the Middle East would not be present. This takes the stance that Israel is the real perpetrator of wrongdoing, but that does not seem to be the truth.

The security fence erected by the Israeli government in the West Bank has sparked much controversy since it was originally proposed. Since late 2000, Israel has been routinely attacked by terrorist attacks in the forms of exploding vehicles, suicide bombers, and other forms of murder and assault. The barrier currently under construction will create a separation between much of Israel and portions of the country inhabited by Palestinians. The Palestinian part of the country is where the terrorist attacks are emanating from. After many attempts to get the Palestinian government to intervene and force terrorist groups to disband, the Israeli government felt there was no other recourse than to erect this fence. The security barrier is designed to protect innocent people and to save lives. Despite the criticisms from opponents, the security barrier will indeed serve the purpose of saving lives.

Before the erection of the Security Barrier, there was much debate over the question of separation vs. inclusion between Palestinian and Israeli peoples. There are two camps of thought in the State of Israel that reflect these two perspectives. There are those that desire a peaceful solution to the problem and advocate compromise between the two groups. The other group, the ones that would eventually determine that the Security Fence was a necessary measure, desired to separate the two populations from one another. The idea being that the two groups are so different from political viewpoints that there is no hope of ever living cohesively in the same area. Leaders Yitzhak Rabin and Ehud Barak are the primary supporter of “hard separation” and Shimon Peres is the primary proponent of the first viewpoint of “political separation with wide ranging cooperation, particularly in economic relations and economic development” (Baskin 2002,-page 7). These two factions would be the precursor to the wall’s erection.

Another supporter of complete separation of Israel and Palestine, Dan Scheuftan, points to the economic drain of allowing continued interaction between the two populations. He claims that the lack of democracy in Palestinian governments prohibits their economy from the kind of growth seen in other nations of the world. “Economic life and quality of life, he states, will always be much higher on the Israeli side of the wall. Israel does not need the burden of having to worry about the needs of the Palestinians” (Baskin 2002,-page 9). Because of this discrepancy, Scheuftan advocates not only the separation of Israel and Palestine, but a permanent closing of the borders between the two areas. “There should be no Palestinian trans-boundary movement of people or goods. Only when the Palestinians can prove that they are worthy of joining the community of nations, should Israel open its borders to the East, but only for the purpose of trade — not for labor” (Baskin 2002,-page 9).

Israel has made many attempts at peaceful reconciliations with the neighboring factions, to no avail. The Arab nations simply seem to have no interest in making peaceful negotiations with the Israeli nation. After the Six Day War of 1967, Israelis learned that in order to defend themselves from violent enemies, they must be willing to sacrifice greatly. Since their enemies would not hesitate to perform acts of violence against Israel, Israel must not hesitate to respond in kind (Cohen 2005,-page 738). There has now been a decades-long stalemate between the States of Israel and Palestine with neither wishing to concede anything to the other. Finally, Israel, under the leadership of Ariel Sharon, determined that the erection of the Security Barrier would put an end to the death and destruction of this political and ethical quagmire between ideologies.

In June 2002, the Israel government decided that the violence against its citizens had gone on for long enough and that something had to be done to prevent further terrorist attacks. The decision was made to erect a large fence which would divide the Israeli citizens from Palestinian nationals. The fence would be more than 400 miles long and feature more than 70 crossing stations so that those who wanted to cross between territories would still be able to do so, but only under supervised conditions. During the second Intifada, terrorist attacks coming from the Palestinian side of the country went on a campaign of violence against Israeli citizens. This led to pressure on the Israeli leaders from its citizens who demanded something be done to protect them (Ben-Eliezer 2006,-page 172).

The Israeli Security Fence, as it is referred to by the Israeli Ministry of Defense, was designed to deter terrorist attacks from Palestinian forces. The Ministry of Defense put out this statement in 2007:

Terrorism has been defined throughout the international community as a crime against humanity. As such, the State of Israel not only has the right but also the obligation to do everything in its power to lessen the impact and scope of terrorism on the citizens of Israel. The Security Fence is an operational concept conceived by the Israeli Defense Establishment in order to reduce the number of terrorist attacks whether in the form of explosive-rigged vehicles or in the form of suicide bombers who enter Israel with the intention of murdering innocent babies, children, women and men (Israel’s 2007).

The intent of the wall is not to segregate one population from another or to create hardships for the Palestinian people. The intent is to protect people from the wrath of terrorists.

The fence, although controversial, is nothing new in the nation of Israel. The country has built similar barriers between Lebanon, Syria, and Jordan (Bard 2007). Israel is not the only country to build fences to protect itself and its interests. The United States, for example, has been working on a barrier between itself and the neighboring country of Mexico in order to thwart illegal immigration. Also, Spain has built a fence to keep Moroccans out of their country. India is constructing a wall to separate Kashmir and Bangladesh. Saudi Arabia is working on an epic wall structure to prevent Iraqi immigrants from entering their country. China is working on a similar erection to separate neighbor North Korea. Pakistan is working on a barrier between itself and Oman (Ehrman 2007,-page 41). Why then, when all these other nations are constructing similar barriers and fences to keep out their unwanted populations, is the Security Fence between Israeli peoples and those of Palestine considered an issue of international proportion?

During the Oslo accords, the Palestinian government pledged to dismantle terrorist networks (Bard 2007). This has not been done, although many opportunities have presented themselves. In 2006, the state of Palestine elected a Hamas government (Litvak 2005,-page 41). Hamas people are an extremely violent and revolutionary branch of Islamic Resistance and have characteristically shown no inclination to compromise or prevent attacks on innocent people. “In its Charter, Hamas states that peace initiatives and international conferences are ‘in contradiction to the principles of the Islamic Resistance Movement.’ With its refusal to recognize, and calls for destruction of, the State of Israel, Hamas (Islamic Resistance Movement) in effect legitimized Israel’s decision to pursue unilateralism” (Jacoby 2007,-page 24). The violence against Israel has made it necessary for the government to take drastic measures to protect their citizens.

There have been numerous attempts to block the continued construction of the fence from a legal standpoint. The case even made it to the International Court of Justice in The Hague (Jacoby 2007,-page 1). Particularly of legal question, Palestinians claim that the Israeli government is seizing privately-owned lands in order to construct the Security Fence. In response to these accusations, the government of the State of Israel has responded that the situation in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip is very close to a war, just without official declarations. The violence exhibited by the Palestinians on the State of Israel has shown that they have every intention of continuing their attacks, which makes them the enemy of Israel. In Article 23 of the 1907 Hague regulations, International Law states that it is forbidden “to destroy or seize the enemy’s property, unless destruction or seizure be imperatively demanded by the needs of war” (Jacoby 2007,-page 35). Since the Palestinians began the aggressive actions towards Israel, that puts the latter in the position of defendant and in their defense, they are allowed to seize land from their enemies. The International Court did rule that some of Israel’s purposed wall location were beyond jurisdiction and that those areas would have to be rerouted (Jones 2009).

The Israeli courts have done everything to ensure that their government is not doing anything illegal. In fact, in the case of Mara’abe v. The Prime Minister of Israel, the Israeli Supreme Court ruled that a portion of intended fence in the northern West Bank violated international humanitarian law and ordered the government to reroute the section (Watson 2006,-page 895). This expanded on an earlier court decision, Beit Sourik Village Council v. Israel, in which the Israeli Supreme Court which also demanded rerouting of a segment of fence which was deemed in violation of humanitarian law.

The government of Israel has been doing everything in their power to ensure that none of the activities of the Security Barrier planning are unlawful. For each segment of the wall where those indigenous peoples take issue, the Israeli government has pledged to consider relocation before final erection. President Barak stated that the desires of the natural population nor the decision of one segment:

Does not obligate the Supreme Court of Israel to rule that each and every segment of the fence violates international law. The Israeli Court shall continue to examine each of the segments of the fence, as they are brought for its decision…; it shall ask itself, regarding each and every segment, whether it represents a proportional balance between the security-military need and the rights of the local population (Watson 2006,-page 899).

As with any controversial issue, each side of the story has a different perspective and viewpoint as to what the wall represents. In the book Bridging the Barrier: Israeli Unilateral Disengagement, Tami Jacoby (2007) writes:

This structure has been both celebrated as a panacea for Israeli national security and condemned as an oppressive extension of Israeli occupation over Palestinian territories. Advocates refer to it as Israel’s anti-terrorist fence, a seam zone, a defensive measure, a passive structure that saves lives by separating Israel from the Palestinians and significantly reducing the number of suicide terrorist attacks against Israeli citizens. Palestinians refer in Arabic to “jidar al-fasl al-‘unsuri” (racist segregation wall). Other critics call it an apartheid wall, a prison wall, a wall of shame, a form of collective punishment, a catastrophe that annexes territory to the State of Israel, separating Palestinians from each other, and confining them into cantons and enclaves to the detriment of their individual freedoms and prospects for national self-determination (page 1).

Opponents of the Security Barrier have accused the builders of using the fence to make a final break between Israeli citizens and people they consider undesirables.

One of the major points of contention regarding the nation of Israel has always been the holy cities of Jerusalem and Bethlehem. Because this land has so much importance to a large group of peoples, there have been strong attempts to keep these locations as neutral as is possible in such a politically-charged area of the world. There is no way to erect a Security Barrier without somehow impacting these religiously-significant areas. Consequently, at least some part of the city of Jerusalem will have to be annexed and cordoned off in order to erect the Security Fence in that area (Baskin 2002,-page 10).

Propaganda against the erection of the security fence portrays the structure as a thick, high hunk of concrete. However, the actual fence is mostly electrically-charged chain link and barbed wire. The few places where concrete are employed are locations where terrorists snipers tend to shoot at cars. The high concrete walls in these places prohibit attacks from being an issue. These walls and protect those individuals who are travelling on the streets. Tami Jacoby (2007) writes:

Roughly 96% of the barrier is in the form of a “multi-layered composite” between 40 to 80 meters wide depending on topography and comprised of four elements: (1) a ditch and pyramid shaped stack of six coils of barbed wire on the east side, along with barbed wire only on the west side, (2) a patrol path on both sides for IDF and border police, (3) an intrusion-detection fence in the middle with sensors to warn the command post with online data from the various observation systems and devices of any incursion on each and every sector, and (4) a dirt road covered by sand that is raked daily to detect crossings. The remaining 4% of the separation barrier is a wall built from concrete slabs, each weighing 17 tons and measuring eight meters in height and one meter in width” (page 26).

Those who oppose the erection of the Security Barrier express a singular opinion, that Israeli is using a label of security in order to claim lands that they are not entitled to. It is important to note that most sources that make this claim also are biased against the nation of Israel and favor the creation of a complete Palestinian state in lands currently belonging to Israel. This is not the case. However, these oppositions do make a point. The barrier, although not intended to make a political statement beyond the aforementioned need to create security between the governments, has come to take on a secondary significance in the Middle East. According to Clive Jones (2009), “In Israel’s case, the barrier has come to perform a secondary role: shaping the internal contours of identity politics within the Jewish state” (page 10). This has been of major importance in the disputes of the country, the question of identification and nationality.

It has long been the Palestinian position that the State of Israel and the citizens of that nation are enemies to Palestine. The purpose of their government has been to instill anti-Israeli propaganda not only in the minds of their own citizens, but in the media as well. Lloyd Cohen (2005) writes:

Another theme of the Arab apologists is that the terrorism is a legitimate response to Israel’s egregious treatment of Arabs under its rule. In the Arab press and elsewhere there is often an attempt to draw offensive parallels between Israeli treatment of Arabs and Nazi treatment of Jews. If this parallel were even remotely accurate and were recognized and shared policy of the Israeli people then extreme Arab violence would earn a measure of excuse, even justification, in the Western mind (page 756).

This propaganda has been accepted in many parts of the world. This is evidenced by how much anti-Israeli and anti-Security Barrier literature is available and easily accessible to the world population.

Many claim that the Security Fence will retard Palestinian attempts to gain sovereignty. However, this is also an untrue claim. In reality, the Security Barrier separates the two landscapes and will actually provide more opportunity for Palestine to gain autonomy (Gavrilis 2004,-page 9). With the Israeli population separated and the government concerned with their citizens, the Palestinian government can take greater leadership of its own people. “Senior Israeli security officers hope that, by removing the constraints of military occupation, the barrier will prod Palestinian leaders to focus on routine elements of state building such as general law and order as well as the provision of public goods” (Gavrilis 2004,-page 11). Israel is making concessions in order to appease the Palestinians, but that side has continued to look at the situation as Israeli continuing to oppress an undeserving group.

Part of the discourse between opponents and proponents of the Security Fence has been the question of population percentages in the State of Israel. Opponents have stated that part of the decision to separate Palestinians from the Israeli population is the population growth of the former in comparison with the latter. Projected percentage growth shows that the Arab portions of the country are increasing in population at a much faster rate than the Israeli side, which would eventually lead to governmental disputes in elections when the Jewish population is outnumbered. According to sources:

The rate of natural increase among the Muslim-Palestinian sector (of the population in Israel and the Occupied Territories is estimated at 3.5-4% per year: 3/5% among the Arabs of Israel and Judea and Samaria (the West Bank), and 4.5% among the Bedouins and in the Gaza Strip (thereby doubling these populations in 15-17 years time). This is the highest rate of natural increase in the world… In contrast, the rate of natural increase of the Jewish population of Israel is 1% per year; if we add to this the growth of the Jewish population through aliyah (migration to Israel) then together the Jewish growth rate is 2%… Against this background of gaps and polarization between the two societies, and explosion may be expected as a result, among other things, of an overflow of the Arabs of Judea and Samaria into the Jewish areas (Jones 2009,-page 11).

With non-Jewish populations increasing at the rate of four times the Jewish populations in the State of Israel, it is understandable why this would be a thing to cause concern.

It has come to the point in interactions between Palestine and Israel that drastic actions must be taken in order to assure peace. On June 18, 2002, a group known as Ha’aretz, which up until the point had supported peaceful existence of factions side by side published an article in favor of the fence. This editorial read:

The fence’s advantages outweigh its disadvantages. First of all, hopefully, it will reduce the intolerable price in blood that has been paid with the lives of peaceful Israelis practically every day…The only efficient alternative to a fence, say senior security experts, is a perpetual war of occupation deep inside Palestinian territory.

But beyond the immediate security benefits resulting from the establishment of a protected seam area, a new, tangible reality of separation between two national, geographic entities will ensue. This reality will gradually become part of the consciousness of both peoples. That is no small matter, especially not for the many young people for whom separation is only a vague memory or an imaginary abstraction. The change could be revolutionary: a physical change that leads to a psychological change, with which it may be possible to rehabilitate the much longed-for political change (Baskin 2002,-page 14).

Both sides of the debate see that the erection of the Security Barrier will create some sort of repercussions in ensuing generations, whether these changes will be positive or negative are impossible to discern at this point. Supporters of the wall believe that the declination in violence between terrorists and the Israeli people will only improve when the two nation states are separated on a more permanent basis. Opponents believe that the fence will lead to increased violence as the Palestinians believe themselves to be oppressed by a governmental system which they already view as treating them unfairly.

Evidence has shown that the fence has been successful in decreasing the number of terrorist attacks in Israel. “Since construction of the fence began, the number of attacks has declined by more than 90%. The number of Israelis murdered and wounded has decreased by more than 70% and 85%, respectively, after erection of the fence” (Bard 2007). There is no denying the empirical data. In order to create a lasting peace and show that the intention is not based on the desire for more power, the Israeli government has even dissolved certain pockets of population in Gaza and other areas under dispute. Originally, the perception was that erection of the Security Barrier was indicative of failure in former Prime Minister of Israel Ariel Sharon to bring conflicts with Palestine to a peaceful conclusion (Avineri 2005,-page 72). However, since his passing it has become evident that the man did everything within his power to avoid building the Fence, a measure which has come to be seen as inevitable.

Even the terrorists have acknowledged the effectiveness of the Israeli Security Barrier. In a statement on Al-Manar TV, Islamic Jihad leader Abdallah Ramadan Shalah stated that the terrorist group had no intention of stopping their attacks on Israel, but that they were being prevented by security measures. “For example, there is the separation fence, which is an obstacle to the resistance, and if it were not there the situation would be entirely different” (Bard 2007).

Despite the controversy of the Security Barrier between Israel and Palestine, the evidence shows that the construction has been an unequivocal success. People will continue to argue that there is more than a desire to protect Israeli citizens behind the building of the fence. Opponents will argue that Israel just wants to continue their oppression of Palestine. None of this political discussion matters. Since the erection of the Israeli Security Barrier, lives have been saved. There is statistical data that proves empirically that since the erection of the Fence, violent terrorist attacks are way down. Without easy access to the territory, violent revolutionaries are not able to inflict pain and death on the innocent people of Israel. No matter the arguments, this one fact cannot be dismissed or confused by discussion of ideology or the desire for annexation of lands and acquisition of power. The Security Fence saves lives.

Works Cited:

Avineri, Shlomo. (2005). “Straddling the Fence.” Foreign Policy, (147), 72-73.

Bard, Mitchell (2010). “Israel’s Security Fence.” The American-Israeli Cooperative Enterprise.

Baskin, G. (2002). “Walls and Fences: Consequences for Israel and Palestine.” Palestine-Israel

Journal of Politics, Economics & Culture, 9(3), 7.

Ben-Eliezer, Uri & Yuval Feinstein (2006). “The Battle Over Our Homes:” Reconstructing /

Deconstructing Sovereign Practices Around Israel’s Separation Barrier on the West Bank.” Israel Studies. 12:1. 171-192.

Cohen, Lloyd. (2005). “The Israeli Lust for Peace: Illusion, Tragedy and Prospect.” Israel

Affairs, 11(4), 737-763

Ehrman, M. (2007). “Borders and Barriers.” Virginia Quarterly Review, 83(2), 38-59.

Gavrilis, George. (2004). “Sharon’s Endgame for the West Bank Barrier.” Washington

Quarterly, 27(4), 7-20

“Israel’s Security Fence” (2007). Ministry of Defense. Retrieved from http://www.securityfence.mod.gov.il/pages/eng/default.htm

Jacoby, Tami Amanda (2007). Bridging the Barrier: Israeli Unilateral Disengagement. VT:


Jones, Clive (2009). “The Writing on the Wall: Israel, the Security Barrier and the Future of Zionism.” Mediterranean Politics. 14:1. 3-20.

Litvak, M. (2005). The Anti-Semitism of Hamas. Palestine-Israel Journal of Politics,

Economics & Culture, 12(2/3), 41-46.

Tamimi, Azzam. 2007. Hamas: A History from Within. Northampton, Mass: Olive Branch.

Watson, Geoffrey R. (2006). “Mara’abe V. Prime Minister of Israel.” American Journal of International Law. 100:4. 895-901.

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