In chapter three of the book ‘Imagined Communities’, the author deals with three means of control used by the colonial power in the Southeast Asia in the middle of the 19th century census, maps, museum; two of them based on visual maps: the map introduced new names, locations and geographical national terms by visual means, and the art and art museums provided monuments and representatives graphic symbols for the forging of an imagined national identity.
Textbooks and visit to the museums made extensive use of visual presentation and the creation of logos. All the imagined Zionist examples were analyzed according to visual research method. From among the methods Gillian Rose Represent in her comprehensive book’ Visual Methodologies’ I have chosen one that appears most appropriate: semiology, discussed by Ronald Barters in semiology. Semiology according to Barthes focuses on images on various media and deals with two levels of a simple description of signs, and the analysis of the ideological social meaning of signified codes without dealing with wider social context.
It is not only the world that has changed its face over the past many years. The study of nationalism too has been startlingly transformed in the method scale, sophistication and sheer quantity. In part out of Anderson’s work has developed an extraordinary proliferation oh historical literary, anthropological, social, feminist and other studies linking the objects of these fields of inquiry to nationalism and nation. To adapt imagined communities to the demand of these vast changes in the world and in the text is a task beyond my present means (McCleery, Alistair & Benjamin, 167).
It seemed better, therefore, to leave it largely as an unrest order period piece, with its own characteristic style, silhouette, and mood. Two things give me comfort: on one hand, the full final outcome of developments in the old socialist world remains shrouded in the obscurity ahead and on the other hand, the idiosyncratic method and preoccupation of imagined communities seem to me still on the margins of the newer scholarship on nationalism – in that sense, at least, not fully superseded.
In this chapter, the language choice seems to be pragmatic, unselfconscious and graduals not to mention disorganized development. As such, it was completely dissimilar from awkward language policies pursued by the 19th-century family rulers accompanied with the increase of antagonistic trendy linguistic nationalism. A clear sign of the dissimilarity is that the ancient directorial talking was just that: talking was used for and by officialdoms for their personal amenities. There was no thought of methodically striking the language that was based on the dynasty. However, the rise of the vernaculars to a rank of language influence, where, in one intellect, they were competing with Latin, made its personal input to the turn down of the anticipated society of Christendom.
The rise of managerial vernaculars predated both religious and print upheaval of the 16th century, and should, therefore, be seen as a self-governing factor in the attrition of the sacred anticipated society. Simultaneously, nothing suggests that any cavernous seated ideological, leave alone proto-national, impulses underlie this vernacularization where it took place. The issue surrounding England on the northwest margin of Latin in Europe is here and is very enlightening. Before the Norman take-over, the talking of the court, administrative and literary was Anglo Saxon. For the next one and a half century, all majestic credentials were composed of Latin.
McCleery, Alistair, and Benjamin A. Brabon. The Influence of Benedict Anderson. Edinburgh: Merchiston Publishing, 2007. Print.
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